On The Principles of Political Economy and Taxation
by David Ricardo, 1817
Chapter 19
On Sudden Changes in the Channels of Trade
A GREAT manufacturing country is peculiarly exposed to temporary reverses and contingencies, produced by the removal of capital from one employment to another. The demands for the produce of agriculture are uniform. They are not under the influence of fashion, prejudice, or caprice. To sustain life, food is necessary, and the demand for food must continue in all ages, and in all countries. It is different with manufactures; the demand for any particular manufactured commodity, is subject not only to the wants, but to the tastes and caprice of the purchasers. A new tax too may destroy the comparative advantage which a country before possessed in the manufacture of a particular commodity; or the effects of war may so raise the freight and insurance on its conveyance. That it can no longer enter into competition with the home manufacture of the country to which it was before exported. In all such cases, considerable distress, and no doubt some loss, will be experienced by those who are engaged in the manufacture of such commodities; and it will be felt not only at the time of the change, but through the whole interval during which they are removing their capitals, and the labour which they can command, from one employment to another.
Nor will distress be experienced in that country alone where such difficulties originate, but in the countries to which its commodities were before exported. No country can long import, unless it also exports, or can long export unless it also imports. If, then, any circumstance should occur, which should permanently prevent a country from importing the usual amount of foreign commodities, it will necessarily diminish the manufacture of some of those commodities which were usually exported; and although the total value of the productions of the country will probably be but little altered, since the same capital will be employed, yet they will not be equally abundant and cheap; and considerable distress will be experienced through the change of employments. If by the employments of =A3 10,000 in the manufacture of cotton goods for exportation, we imported annually 3,000 pair of silk stockings of the value of =A3 2,000, and by the interruption of foreign trade we should be obliged to withdraw this capital from the manufacture of cotton, and employ it ourselves in the manufacture of stockings, we should still obtain stockings of the value of =A3 2,000 provided no part of the capital were destroyed; but instead of having 3,000 pair, we might only have 2,500. In the removal of the capital from the cotton to the stocking trade, much distress might be experienced, but it would not considerably impair the value of the national property, although it might lessen the quantity of our annual productions.
The commencement of war after a long peace, or of peace after a long war, generally produces considerable distress in trade. It changes in a great degree the nature of the employments to which the respective capitals of countries were before devoted; and during the interval while they are settling in the situations which new circumstances have made the most beneficial, much fixed capital is unemployed, perhaps wholly lost, and labourers are without full employment. The duration of this distress will be longer or shorter according to the strength of that disinclination which most men feel to abandon that employment of their capital to which they have long been accustomed. It is often protracted too by the restrictions and prohibitions, to which the absurd jealousies which prevail between the different States of the commercial commonwealth give rise.
The distress which proceeds from a revulsion of trade, is often mistaken for that which accompanies a diminution of the national capital, and a retrograde state of society; and it would perhaps be difficult to point out any marks by which they may be accurately distinguished.
When, however, such distress immediately accompanies a change from war to peace, our knowledge of the existence of such a cause will make it reasonable to believe, that the funds for the maintenance of labour have rather been diverted from their usual channel, than materially impaired, and that after temporary suffering, the nation will again advance in prosperity. It must be remembered too that the retrograde condition is always an unnatural state of society. Man from youth grows to manhood, then decays, and dies; but this is not the progress of nations. When arrived to a state of the greatest vigour, their further advance may indeed be arrested, but their natural tendency is to continue for ages, to sustain undiminished their wealth, and their population.
In rich and powerful countries, where large capitals are invested in machinery, more distress will be experienced from a revulsion in trade, than in poorer countries where there is proportionally a much smaller amount of fixed, and a much larger amount of circulating capital, and where consequently more work is done by the labour of men. It is not so difficult to withdraw a circulating as a fixed capital, from any employment in which it may be engaged. It is often impossible to divert the machinery which may have been erected for one manufacture, to the purposes of another; but the clothing, the food, and the lodging of the labourer in one employment may be devoted to the support of the labourer in another; or the same labourer may receive the same food, clothing and lodging, whilst his employment is changed. This, however, is an evil to which a rich nation must submit; and it would not be more reasonable to complain of it, than it would be in a rich merchant to lament that his ship was exposed to the dangers of the sea, whilst his poor neighbours cottage was safe from all such hazard.
From contingencies of this ki
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政治经济学及赋税原理 大卫·李嘉图
第十九章 论贸易渠道的突变
一个工业大国特别要面临由资本从一个行业到另一个行业引起的暂时性的逆转和意外。对于农产品的需求是统一的,不会因为时尚、偏好、善变的念头影响。食品是维持生活所必需的。食品的需求在所有国家对各种人群必然是连续不断的,而工业制品却不一样。某一工业制品的需求不仅取决于购买者的需求,还要取决于他的偏好和善变的念头。一种新税可能毁灭在某种工业制成品的比较优势;或者战争的影响会增加运输中的运费和保险,致使它再不能与以前进口该商品的国家所生产的当地商品相竞争。在所有这种情况下,大量的困难,无疑使制造这些产品的人遭受一些损失;这种情况不仅会在发生变化的时候出现,而且会在他们把自己的资本和所能支配的劳动从一个行业转到另一行业的整个的间隔中出现。
不仅仅最初发生的困难的国家会遭遇这个困境,但是出口这些产品的国家也会。没有国家可以长时间进口,除非它们也出口,或者可以长期进口也出口。如果任何情况可以发生,长期阻碍一国进口正常数量的外国商品,这个国家必然将减少某些正常出口的商品的生产。尽管一国产品的总价值可能只改变一点点,因为相同的资本会被使用,所以它们不会同等的充足和便宜;大量的困难会由于产业变化而产生。如果使用10000英镑的资本生产用于出口 的棉织品,我们便能进口价值2000英镑的3000双丝袜,但是对外贸易中断时我们不得不从棉织的生产中撤出这些资金,用这笔资金自己生产丝袜。 假如全部资本没有受到任何损失,我们仍可得到价值2000英镑的丝袜,但数量不会是3000双,而可能是2500双。在资本从棉织品转到丝袜的生产过程中,可能遇到许多困难。但尽管我们的 年产量可能减少, 但却不会对国 家财富的价值有很大损害。“商业使我们在商品产地得到商品, 并能把这种商品运往另一商品消费地,这样使我们能够在商品 产地和商品消费地的全部差价中增加商品的价值。 ”——萨伊,《政治经济学》第二卷第458页。这种观点是正确的,但这种附加值是如何加上去的呢? 首先是把运费加在生产成本上,然后加上商人垫付资本的利润 。这种商品在被消费者购买以前,它的生产和运输就以及花费了很多的劳动,所以与其他商品价值增加的理由一样,它的价值也增加了。决不能把这一点看成是商业优势。我对这一问题进行认真研究时发现,商业的全部优势是我们能够取得更有效用而不是更有价值的东西。
长时间的和平以后开始战争,或者长时间的战争后长时间的和平,通常在贸易中产生大量困难。它改变了各国资本以前所投入的行业的性质。资本在新的条件下寻求最为有利的投资方向时,大量的固定资本得不到使用,也许会全部损 失掉,劳动者不能充分就业。这种困难持续的时间的长短要看大多数人是否愿意放弃他们长期以来已经习惯了的投资行业,通常各国之间盛行的荒谬的嫉妒心理所造成的种种限制和禁令使这一时期持续的时间变长。
这种因为贸易突变而产生的困难经常被混淆成国家资本的减少和社会的倒退;这可能会很困难去指出能精准辨认出的标志。
然而,这种困难直接伴随着从战争到和平的这种变化。我们只要知道存在这种因素,就会有理由相信,维持劳动所需的资金只不过是脱离了正常轨道, 而在实质 上并未受到损害。 短暂的痛苦之后,国家仍会再次繁荣起来。还必须记住,倒退状态永远是社会的一种反常状态。人类从青年到成年,然后衰老直至死亡,但这不是国家的发展过程。国家达到最兴盛的状态之后,进一步前进可能确有阻碍,但它们的自然趋势可能永远是继续发展以保持财富和人口永不减少。
在富裕且强盛的国家中,大量的资本被投资到机器设备上,贸易突变会产生更多的困难,跟其他一些固定资本比例很小而流动资本比例很高、 因而大量工作靠人力来完成的贫穷国家相比较。从任何行业占用的资本中提取流动资本作为固定资本并不是很困难。把制造业的机器改造成其他目的用的机器这并非不可能,但是服装,食物和住宿用于维持劳动力在其他的行业也能获得同样的服装,食物和住宿尽管他的行业改变了。然而,这是一种富裕的国家一定会遇到的弊端;去抱怨这个是不合理的,这就好比一个富商悲叹他的船只在海上容易遇险,而他邻舍的茅屋可以免于遭受这些危险是一样的。
像这样的困难,尽管程度较低,农业也没有被排除在外。 战争,在商业国家中,会扰乱各国 间的通商,经常会阻碍谷物从生产成本较低的国家出口到生产成本较高的国家。 在这种情形下, 大量资本被吸引到农业中,以前进口谷物的国家不再依靠国外。 战争一结束,进口障碍就消失了,对本国种植者不利的竞争开始了,而他要退出这种竞争就得牺牲大部分所投入的资本。这时国家最好的政策就是对从国进口的谷物征税,在一定年限内税额逐渐减少,以此向本国种植者提供逐渐从土地上撤出其资本的机会。如果这样做,国家可能没有最合理地分配它的资本,但是它所负担的临时税负会大大有利于某一特定的阶层。在停止进口的时候,这个特定阶级的资本分配大大有利于食品的供给。如果在危急时刻所做的这种努力 在危难结束时有失败的危险的 话,那么资本就会避开这种行业。 除一般资本利润外,农场主会期望补偿由于谷物突然流入所遭受的损失。因此,在消费者最需要谷物的旺季,谷物的 价格会上涨。上涨原因不仅是国内种植谷物的成本较高,还有他必须在价格中支付为运用这笔资金所面临的特殊风险而产生的保险费用。因此,尽管不惜牺牲资本允许进口廉价谷物有利于国家财富的增加,但也许可能征收几年关税的做法是明智的。
在研究租金的问题的时候,我们发现,每次谷物的供应上增加,导致谷物的价格下跌的时候,资本就会从比较贫瘠的土地上提取出来。不需要支付地租的比较肥沃的土地就会成为决定谷物自然价格的标准。每夸脱谷物为4英镑时,被称做六等的较次土地可能会有人耕种。 每夸脱谷物为3英镑10先令时, 五等土地会有人耕种。每夸脱为3英镑时,四地会有人耕种。以此类推。如果谷物长年丰产, 每夸脱降到3英镑10先令时,投在六等土地上的资本就会停止使用。因为只有在每夸脱4英镑时才能在不支付地租的情况下获得普通利润。因此, 资本会从六等土地上撤出来生产商品以购买和进口原来由六等土地生产的所有谷物。资本在这种用途中对其所有者必然是有收益的,不然它不能从其他用途中撤出。 如果他用所生产的商品购买到的谷物少于他在不需要支付租金的土地上获得收成,谷物的价格就不会低于4英镑。
但是,有人说过,资本不能从土地上撤出;它采取的费用形式不能被恢复,例如施肥,拦栅栏,排水等等不能和土地分离。这在一定程度上是正确的;但是组成牛、羊、干草、河堆、车辆的资本都可以被提取出来的;并且这是计算上的问题,如果这些将继续在土地上被使用,还是把它们以谷物的低价卖出,转投到别的行业里去。
假设,然而,事实被陈述,没有一个部分的资本可以被提取出;前者会继续增加谷物,并精准有相同的数量,无论它们卖什么价格;因为这可以成为他的生产更少的兴趣,如果他不想使用他的资本,他不能获得任何报酬。谷物不能被进口,因为他宁愿以低于3磅10先令的价格出售谷物,也不愿意完全卖不出去,根据假设进口商不会卖这些东西低于这个价格。尽管那时耕种土地的农民五一会被生产出的商品的交换价值的降低而受到冲击,国家会被怎样影响?我们应该有生产出的每个商品的相同数量,但是初级产品和谷物会被卖出一个更低的价格。一个国家的资本组成了产品,并且这些和之前的是姚姚的,再生产会在相同的比率下继续。然而谷物的低价仅仅能承受通常的五等土地的利润,不支付租金,并且更高质量的土地的价格会降低:工资也会降低,利润会上涨。
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